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How to pronounce nativism in English?

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Dr. Henry Thomson: Good morning and good afternoon i'm sorry good afternoon everyone David I think we'll get started yet.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Welcome to the school of politics and global studies at Arizona State University to one about regular research colloquia.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Here in the department, my name is Henry Thompson i'm an assistant professor and comparative politics.
Dr. Henry Thomson: And we are absolutely thrilled to be joined today by Professor David art from tufts university, who is a specialist and comparative politics comparative political economy and particularly.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Specialist on the politics of Europe and spaceships Central Europe, including Austria and Germany.
Dr. Henry Thomson: David art has long history of studying the radical right in Germany and the rest of year he published a book in 2011 with Cambridge University preschool the development.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Of anti immigrant parties in Western Europe inside the radical right and you also publish the politics of the Nazi past and Germany and Austria.
Dr. Henry Thomson: In 2006 with Cambridge University press is also the author of many articles and comparative politics, politics and society, politics and other leading.
Dr. Henry Thomson: scholarly journals and today we're really happy to have you with us, David welcome to asu and he's going to give a talk on the myth of global populism, so please take it away Professor.
Dr. David Art: Great Thank you so much.
Dr. David Art: Thank you so much, Henry and thanks for the thanks for the invitation from asu and for all of you for being here.
Dr. David Art: So the the title of the talk is the myth of global populism and it draws directly from an article that I published in perspectives on politics recently and I guess one way to structure the talk today is i'm going to argue that the myth here is that there is this force called populism.
Dr. David Art: That has.
Dr. David Art: really been a major force at work in the most dramatic changes in advanced industrial countries, primarily the United States and West and Western Europe over the last decade.
Dr. David Art: So i'm going to argue that that the myth, on the one hand, is that there's something going on, and all these parts of the world, and another parts as well.
Dr. David Art: Latin America, but the second myth, perhaps, is a deeper one, and this might be that there is ultimately a solid conceptual foundation to to populism itself.
Dr. David Art: So I think that's kind of as i've been thinking about this more the the stronger claim I might want to I might want to push.
Dr. David Art: So one thing I thought about it when working on this article and.
Dr. David Art: You know, on the on the concept in general is I began with the notion of populism as an essentially contested concept and I didn't really you know know a lot about this part of the philosophy of social science, but I read web galley and sort of.
Dr. David Art: You know, drew drew from there is notion that essentially consented concepts are concepts, as you can see, here, about which involve endless disputes about their proper uses on the part of users.
Dr. David Art: And thinking about populism this seem to be a great starting frame has any it didn't make it into the final article.
Dr. David Art: Perhaps we can talk about it later, but golly use galley use democracy as an example of an essentially contested concept when he wrote this piece in the 1950s and.
Dr. David Art: He was both critical in some ways, I think, as a way to read it, but also optimistic about the long term progress.
Dr. David Art: that the debate about these essentially contested concepts that would that the that the progress of that the process of debating them would be good for the accumulation of knowledge in some way.
Dr. David Art: and democracy was he was arguing in the 1950s as a as a concept that had not that would be endlessly debated that could not be.
Dr. David Art: contained in some consensus and then measured in a social scientific way, so is skeptical about that in the 1950s.
Dr. David Art: I think that you know broadly measurements of democracy have developed and there has been a conceptual core.
Dr. David Art: around it probably coming from doll and others, but I think that the the notion that what democracy is, at least for political science is essentially contested i'm not sure if that's true anymore.
Dr. David Art: So it seemed that their democracy was an example and populism, perhaps you know and the optimistic reading would be one of these essentially contested concepts that through endless debate, we can improve our knowledge of.
Dr. David Art: But galley also noted in this article that essentially contested concepts are not the same from those which can be shown as a result of analysis or experiment, to be radically confused so really that's a nice way of saying, I think that.
Dr. David Art: You know, some concepts are made this criteria, but others are just concepts that should be discarded and i'm going to make a strong case I think today that populism qualifies as one of those terms.
Dr. David Art: Why attack a central concept in the social sciences, I mean it's probably not a good first article to write.
Dr. David Art: But you know it mattered to me for a number of reasons, and before before trump really there was a large than growing literature on radical right parties in Western Europe, I mean it almost dominated the literature on parties in Europe as a whole.
Dr. David Art: But there had been a some debate about whether these were the right term was right wing populist radical right but.
Dr. David Art: People didn't sort of really fight about it or make a big deal, you could we kind of knew which parties, we were talking about.
Dr. David Art: So it was a term that was used in the literature, but you know it didn't it didn't explode, as it did after 2016 and just some of the acknowledgments here I got this the ideas through this article from a couple of panels that Apps.
Dr. David Art: In 2016 I was on a panel with pippa norris and RON angle hearts and Oliver and Ram and justin justin their work is all all really you know interesting on this point, but I kind of disagreed with each other in different ways, and I guess these disagreements continued.
Dr. David Art: Including through pop up says 2019 conference on populism and privilege.
Dr. David Art: So.
Dr. David Art: I don't know a long way of saying this as i've been skeptical about this concept and much utility for a long time, but once it was kind of bandied about as the as the new the new globalization, or the new terrorism, the new made a narrative for everything it seemed you know.
Dr. David Art: that there should be a critical voice.
Dr. David Art: And I worry that the concept might itself be built on sand.
Dr. David Art: So what I want to do in the remaining I don't know 15 or 20 minutes, I want to leave a lot of time for questions and and conceivably some of you might have looked at the article if you haven't all i'll summarize some points right now.
Dr. David Art: But five things that sort of constitute the centerpiece of my critique of populism, the first is that it's really nativism that's at the core of what.
Dr. David Art: In the literature is is termed exclusionary populism in Europe and the United States.
Dr. David Art: So it's basically nativism most of the way down if we want to explain what radical right parties are how they mobilize why they're successful point one, two, I think there's been.
Dr. David Art: A reason why the Meta narrative probably took off.
Dr. David Art: In the wake of the sovereign debt crisis was that a far left started looking like a left wing populist party on the same.
Dr. David Art: And bearing a lot of similarities to left wing populist parties in Latin America.
Dr. David Art: But I think that I would like to argue that if there was a populace moment for any of these parties it's kind of since passed and they remain them.
Dr. David Art: I think their their their best days might be behind them, the third point, and you know when I thought going in this might be maybe not the most important of the three points, but I think it might ultimately be the most important.
Dr. David Art: And that is conflating populism with competitive authoritarianism and i'll get into why that's a problem in a bit, I do have some things to Sam conceptual and measurement issues that's another.
Dr. David Art: area in which I think there are problems with with with populism, but ultimately, I do have a normative point to make that calling it populism really does matter it matters in the political response to to to the to the thick rather than the thin phenomenon at work.
Dr. David Art: So um I haven't given a definition of populism i'm realizing right now, and I think most who are interested in this topic might know Cosmo day and his definition is, I think the most widely used one the consensus definition and it describes populism as a a thin ideology.
Dr. David Art: That divides society into antagonistic groups between the pure people in the corrupt elite.
Dr. David Art: He also argued that the populism is always grafted onto another ideology, the so the so called thick thick piece of populism.
Dr. David Art: So monday's initial characterization of populism was you know, seen as a lot, I think the the literature is calculated kind of around that that concept, and you know, in some ways i'm not sure I could do a even ever provide a better definition than it so i'm not looking to replace it.
Dr. David Art: But So what does this have to do with nativism and the conflation of nativism and populism.
Dr. David Art: A lot of things we those who have studied the radical right.
Dr. David Art: And there have been Study after study after study on this basic issue.
Dr. David Art: Finding overwhelmingly that it's anti immigration that it's nativism that that's the driving phenomenon and culture is far more important than economics for understanding every nearly nearly every aspect of the radical right phenomenon.
Dr. David Art: And you know skipping kind of through relatively quickly, the last point here trump was initially viewed, I think, by a lot as a as a product of that one could explain through through economic basic economic models.
Dr. David Art: That was justin just talking about the rise or the the loss of the white working class and the industrial Midwest.
Dr. David Art: North and inglehart argument about a general cultural backlash that was occurring, rather than just specifically a native is backlash.
Dr. David Art: So there were different perspectives, I think, on on this question, but I think you know, as I, as I note in the article, the and reading the evidence from the American politics literature.
Dr. David Art: it's overwhelming, as in the case of the radical right that its culture, primarily anti immigrant or racial racial animus racial resentment, however, American is to measure it that's really doing, most of the work here.
Dr. David Art: And this wasn't surprising to me but it's perhaps more surprising was a point that I have here that I accuse me to talk about George wallace just a little bit.
Dr. David Art: And he's relevant here, because a lot of the literature.
Dr. David Art: That was responded to trump.
Dr. David Art: argued implicitly or explicitly that he was the long product, so to speak, of George wallace and then George wallace was populist in the same sense that trump was populist.
Dr. David Art: It he was cited in a number of you know papers, as the four runner you know you can go back to huey long and 19th century.
Dr. David Art: agrarian movements, but wallace is seen as the first incarnation of the post war in first significant post war incarnation in American politics.
Dr. David Art: So going through selectively, I suppose, one can make the case that wallace was primarily an Anti elite ran on an Anti elite message, but as I, as I go through in the article this ignores a basic and.
Dr. David Art: You know just insurmountable fact that his career was based on opposition to segregation.
Dr. David Art: And that that was his political rise was all about now, while this is an interesting figure, because he recanted that racism and actually one.
Dr. David Art: governorship in the state of Alabama with a significant African American vote so it's a kind of confusing history.
Dr. David Art: But make no mistake about it, George wallace was a nativist of the highest order and his populism, I think I can only be under understood through the frame through that thick ideology of nativism.
Dr. David Art: um so I guess the big point that I would want to make on this on this first point is that it's kind of unfortunate that's the the lessons, so to speak, of the literature on the radical right we're not.
Dr. David Art: quickly transferred, I suppose, to the literature in American politics on the trump phenomenon.
Dr. David Art: I guess that the the findings accumulated relatively quickly, and then you've got the same basic thing but it's a.
Dr. David Art: There was no in general, there when we tried to look at the populism as an independent at piece of the of the puzzle.
Dr. David Art: Of the radical right in Western Europe, so it wasn't surprising to me to see that the studies did not really find that that thin aspect of populism that anti leads that that.
Dr. David Art: Fundamental antagonism of society with a who so in general, General will idea that piece didn't really seem to be doing much work what really seemed to be doing, most of the work in the United States was racial resentment and anti immigrant feeling in in Europe.
Dr. David Art: Second point that I.
Dr. David Art: lay out in the in the myth of global populism, this is inclusion airy populism, in Europe, and some of you might know the distinction between exclusionary and inclusion or in the literature.
Dr. David Art: But, as I mentioned previously, the MID 2000s where the high points of left wing what what what scholars claimed were left wing populist parties and I guess the way I see it as if these parties were in fact populace, they were populist for an extraordinarily short moment in time.
Dr. David Art: So it might have been a passing phase, but as Teresa went.
Dr. David Art: In within a space of four or five years from a.
Dr. David Art: group of you know.
Dr. David Art: former communists and anti globalization activists then suddenly the biggest party in in Greece.
Dr. David Art: But then, signed on to and it had a referendum on tearing up the the hated bailouts that the European.
Dr. David Art: The European Commission IMF and European Central Bank could impose an imposed upon them that's the story of the rise of series.
Dr. David Art: Yet in one of the most remarkable you know about faces and recent political history elastic Cyprus holds a referendum Greeks vote no tear up this agreement, but then he signs on to a bailout Amir days later.
Dr. David Art: Today, most.
Dr. David Art: party in in Spain, some of you probably know about put a mouse was it was interesting is, in the sense that it was a.
Dr. David Art: No other party, I can think of had students of populism and looking to put populism into practice within its ranks, there were literally disciples of Ernesto cloud.
Dr. David Art: Running running things within put a most so they talked a lot about populism in the populace method, but as I go into in the article that was.
Dr. David Art: That was short, that was a short lived moment, and you know i'm left struggling wondering, at the end of the day, how inclusion every possible populism is really different from the.
Dr. David Art: Traditional activism, as I have it here in the European context, one thing that I found really interesting as I got more into this topic was this piece on techno populism and how it affects radical left parties back up for a second.
Dr. David Art: One of the claims of the radical.
Dr. David Art: left wing populist parties was that they are populist in the sense that they are fulfilling that direct democracy component.
Dr. David Art: That they are allowing the people to really express the the general will and they promised to do that through the Internet, through digital or techno digital democracy techno populism.
Dr. David Art: Now my my computer sort of skills are very limited as as as my knowledge of this this area of the literature, but it seemed to me.
Dr. David Art: That that techno populace moment kind of faded very, very quickly, where people actually did participate, a little bit in the politics of of pajamas and more so the.
Dr. David Art: Five star movement in Italy but that's kind of quickly gave way to the online referendum being used as a as a as a tool of the elite just to enforce party order as.
Dr. David Art: Robert michaels would have you know predicted in the about in his argument about the iron log oligarchy.
Dr. David Art: So I mean the central point that there was a lot of attention given to series and to enter per day most less so to the as a as a left wing was a purely left wing populist party to them movements, the five star movement in Italy, but it was definitely called populist as well.
Dr. David Art: So these parties do remain in empower or have either empower or you know, have a legitimate shot and series's case that power in the near in the near future so it's not looking at gone away, I just argued that.
Dr. David Art: That.
Dr. David Art: populism is probably the wrong it's not it does not add anything really to the description of these parties that the thickness that you already have in their ideology anti-globalization maybe, although that.
Dr. David Art: That core concepts it's kind of gone gone back on as well, in any event it's another argument here about the thickness of one thing, and the fact that the thinness the populism aspect seems to be doing very little work.
Dr. David Art: um.
Dr. David Art: I guess the third.
Dr. David Art: Miss way in which populism is.
Dr. David Art: Or the populism and another thing or conflated.
Dr. David Art: And, by so doing one renders the other thing less significant than it should be, I was a very tortured way of saying this, I know, but.
Dr. David Art: Our.
Dr. David Art: Our populace really kind of just competitive authoritarians right I think they are, and you know, I was surprised when I started reading more on this literature that.
Dr. David Art: that's the victor or bond was suddenly called a populist, for example, think he's an example, what I, given the in the article.
Dr. David Art: Because or bond was not a populist in any sense, he was a mainstream conservative politician not particularly charismatic.
Dr. David Art: And yet, as most of you probably know, hungry is you know, has has had the deepest democratic deterioration of any of any state and Europe under the within certainly within the European Union.
Dr. David Art: So or bond was you know included, along with Chavez who's more in Ottawa as a as a populist democrat or as or as just a pure populist.
Dr. David Art: But I don't think that's the right way to read this phenomenon frankly um it's it's they're not populates, but they are.
Dr. David Art: You know back to one lens is classic distinction between loyal semi loyal and disloyal political actors and democracies, they are semi loyal and probably disloyal political actors.
Dr. David Art: They are competitive authoritarians and, as I go in through and the piece it's I don't I don't understand what the populism good adds to that.
Dr. David Art: um so one one point that I didn't really go through in the article, but maybe we can discuss a little bit.
Dr. David Art: Or the enduring conceptual measurement issues when it comes to populism.
Dr. David Art: The conference on populism in 1968 if you read about this topic you'll know that there was a there was a lot of that is that this conference gets a lot of attention primarily because there are some real intellectual heavyweights there, I mean Isaiah Berlin and kellner.
Dr. David Art: and
Dr. David Art: anyways that's that sort of cast of characters was unable to come up with any consensus on the meaning of the term.
Dr. David Art: So if you kind of bring the best minds together and hope of consensus, you know.
Dr. David Art: populace improve too tall tall in order there.
Dr. David Art: And there have been some.
Dr. David Art: There, there have been long running critiques of the concept of populism.
Dr. David Art: That there it is, and one of those is that it's very difficult to think about what the opposite of it is you know, is there a politics that is highly elitist that is.
Dr. David Art: That is rejects that is still democratic but rejects any notion of a Rousseau in general, well, so the opposite.
Dr. David Art: is very, very difficult it's difficult to measure other people's made those those points I think more interesting to me is that when you try to measure populism over time there's some really odd findings, so a couple of books.
Dr. David Art: Books came out recently won by looking marunouchi finds that, in the 1970s in Europe.
Dr. David Art: This was, like the most populous era, even more populous than the 2000s if one uses party manifestos or other common measurement schemes to go back and see.
Dr. David Art: You know the level of populism, the German SPD, for example, would be your prototypical populist party in the 1970s, if you relied on this measurement scheme.
Dr. David Art: Now, there have been a lot of more recent efforts to not use the comparative manifesto stuff but to come up with popular populist attitude and you'll scales, but.
Dr. David Art: I think i'm deep equally skeptical of those here for those who are kind of interested in in the latest literature would be what I would suggest to read.
Dr. David Art: don't let the the title of the first article fool you buy with cushion and shown when the whole is greater than the sum of its parts, this is an incredibly dense.
Dr. David Art: difficult to read conceptual piece, but I think it offers a really powerful critique of measurement strategies.
Dr. David Art: easier, I think, to get a handle on, although not yet in print is work by hunger and paxton what's in a buzzword and what they find is really interesting they do a huge computer aided.
Dr. David Art: literature review of on populism included an APP when it's included in the abstracts in in journals and then they run a again another computer aided search have to try to get at the degree to which populism is.
Dr. David Art: present in the in the article itself and what they find is it's mostly a label that in when people submit articles they.
Dr. David Art: Use populist because it's like in the keyword or it might help publication, or maybe editor suggested, so a huge number of.
Dr. David Art: articles that involve populism is a key word have very little to do with populism of those that do these authors find that most of the studies are really on the thick aspects, the nativism piece in the in the radical right the.
Dr. David Art: The anti globalization piece or the redistribution piece for the for the so called populace left.
Dr. David Art: So they're really you know, doing the literature in general right kind of doesn't involve this deep you know refinement of populism, not to say that others haven't really worked with this concept and and.
Dr. David Art: In some ways i'm a contrarian here, because a lot of people will tell you that populism is real measurable and and useful for the for the study of other concepts.
Dr. David Art: And finally, I had a chance to read this piece from one of your colleagues at asu.
Dr. David Art: and political behavior and they the authors here kind of find to my heart's content that.
Dr. David Art: it's mostly host ideology that drives about choice for populace parties, I hope, i've done justice to the to the argument there but it's a really nice study of the FDA the alternative for Germany and it's and it's voters.
Dr. David Art: In Germany.
Dr. David Art: Okay um I want to save time for questions, so I think i'm going to wrap up relatively soon, I promise, and I want to.
Dr. David Art: Just come to the point about why it matters and here's the normative point.
Dr. David Art: I think the POP the use of populism.
Dr. David Art: Really obscures or can potentially obscure what is a nativists or authoritarian core of political actors.
Dr. David Art: In the case of the left wing populist and I wouldn't call them competitive authoritarians or nativists and unless clear on what the ideological core is other than anti globalization and and an extensive redistribution, but I think that calling trump right a populist was a.
Dr. David Art: was a mistake and I think that it's really.
Dr. David Art: obscured, as I said that the nativist piece for a bit, although people weren't fooled I don't think i'm and the literature, as I said before, broadly you know confirmed the view that was not surprising for a candidate who opens his.
Dr. David Art: His who comes into politics through birth or ISM and to opens his campaign, you know, against a campaign against Mexicans.
Dr. David Art: It wasn't surprising that think that we had all this confirmation that he was nativist, even though it took us a while to get there.
Dr. David Art: I think it also obscured, though, as I, as I particularly last year, the competitive authoritarian piece, whereas trump might be really, and this is.
Dr. David Art: Perhaps the scariest thing to emerge in the last two to three months is that that competitive authoritarian that that semi loyal political actor to democracy that that piece, we did not highlight, perhaps as much as we could have and.
Dr. David Art: it's not like, no one was prepared for what happened on on on January six but you know, we had signs of competitive authoritarianism before that the.
Dr. David Art: Ukraine, for example, I mean leveraging your role as a.
Dr. David Art: ledger leverage in your position.
Dr. David Art: As the as the as the executive, as the foreign policy of the United States using that position in order to get dirt on a political opponent that's the.
Dr. David Art: that's the weaponization pardon the cliche, though, of the of tilting the playing fields in your in your direction will part of the definition of of competitive authoritarianism.
Dr. David Art: Now i'm worried about the possible ways to academic resources and time, of course, it populism proves to be you know kind of.
Dr. David Art: A degenerative research paradigm, perhaps and i'm not saying it's necessarily well again this is this is just being skeptical partly for skepticism sake, I suppose.
Dr. David Art: I do think that this idea that that somehow the losers that it's it's a it's a question of it's a question of economics at heart that's driving the phenomenon of what we call populism, but really mean nativism.
Dr. David Art: That it will lead to really misguided policies, I mean winning back the the work that was quote unquote white working class.
Dr. David Art: You know that might be redistribution might be a good political goal in its own right but it's not likely to work if it's primarily a cultural nativist message that's that's that's that's at the heart of the appeal.
Dr. David Art: And I think Finally, you know there's a temptation sometimes to view populism is having some normatively redeeming features right that it allows you know, according to one view it allows.
Dr. David Art: Previously unheard voices right to be heard and to push a link into into actions they might otherwise take right.
Dr. David Art: that's maybe perhaps the strongest justification, one can make for for populism, but I, you know I i'm skeptical of that as a as a justification alone, and I think that the the dangers right of calling it something by this term are much, much.
Dr. David Art: much weight here.
Dr. David Art: So finally i'm I have a picture up here of Isaiah Berlin because I like the quotes that he had in 1968 and I think he was basically right that the search for populism was really tended was going to be.
Dr. David Art: A fairy tale, in the sense that you know Cinderella is a fairy tale that it might not be successful, and you know, more recently, Roger Cohen.
Dr. David Art: well respected columnist for the for the times that specializes in Europe also wants to do away with the word populist and I kind of endorse, I suppose, most of those views.
Dr. David Art: So yeah i've covered a fair amount of ground here but it's only 35 minutes so it's it's time to be quiet and take questions.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Well, thank you very much, David there was an excellent talk i'm gonna throw up in the Q amp a for people that have.
Dr. Henry Thomson: questions and we don't have any open questions yet so I guess i'll take my convenience privilege to ask you a question first, which is about your concept of nativism if.
Dr. Henry Thomson: If populism is perhaps not and essentially considered conducive wants it, but perhaps even radically confuse to use this nice terminology that you introduced at the start, why is nativism and beta concept is nativism a bit as just a synonym for nationalism.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Is there a positive and negative Paul of nativism.
Dr. Henry Thomson: This is simply opposition to immigration and if it's simply opposition to immigration, why don't we just call it opposition to immigration, so I guess, my question is you're so close to us and populism you think it's nativism Why is nativism and my favorite costume.
Dr. David Art: it's very good question and I think that if I spell this out more that'll definitely be a piece that that I would fall back on, and you know i'm.
Dr. David Art: Do I have is crisp a definition of nativism as motor has come up with for populism i'm not sure Moody has a very great definition is it very great is a great definition for nativism in his work as well, which I broadly think yeah this works this.
Dr. David Art: is measurable and we are also finding that it has real world effects right, so in that sense i'm much more confident that nativism is a is a is not a mirage right um and it's a.
Dr. David Art: it's a concept that we can that we can agree on more now of course nationalism is.
Dr. David Art: No that's a.
Dr. David Art: That as a topic had a surge of literature in the 1990s and got into a lot of definitional debates too so could certainly have those but I guess at the end of the day, I see just nativism being and, as you say anti immigration i'm kind of explains, most of it, most of the most of the phenomenon.
Dr. David Art: that's what my you know research on radical right parties kind of taught me very few of my interviewees would you know speak in terms of oh we're against the elites and we're looking for the Russo in general will yet they would go on for hours and hours about about immigration.
Dr. David Art: So the subtitle of the book that I did on the radical right was.
Dr. David Art: pretty sure I shouldn't know my own subtitles by now, but it's the it was the rise of anti immigrant parties in Europe, so I called them exactly that.
Dr. David Art: And I went through a discussion in there about why don't think populism was great but you're absolutely right that if I want to really you know.
Dr. David Art: spin out this essentially contested bit which I didn't do in the paper but might might do later, I do have to come up with with a section on why.
Dr. David Art: Why nativism is better, but it would go, it would be on those on on some of those terms that it's an empirically observable phenomenon to the degree that populism kind of.
Dr. David Art: hasn't been we've been able to capture nativism and have a broad agreement on what it is, which parties are nativist which aren't we could do better on that, I think there could be more of a nativist nativism scale.
Dr. David Art: An anti immigrant scale, but even there you know the data from the European Social survey and most of the survey instruments are really quite good so there's been um.
Dr. David Art: I guess my empirical experience, but maybe not my theoretical right if I know it exists in practice, now I just have to come up with the theories of why nativism is is is is the better paradigm, or is the better conceptual lens through which to view it.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Right Thank you i'm going to keep fielding questions here we have a question from my graduate students changing, and it has three paths so i'm only going to select one.
Dr. Henry Thomson: i'm going to exert my palliative slick, one which I think is particularly pertinent to you, she asks is the geographical pattern of radical right support a promising further direction for further research.
Dr. David Art: Sorry, one more.
Dr. Henry Thomson: What is the geographical pattern of radical right support.
Dr. Henry Thomson: A promising further research question, so I guess the question is, can we see interesting patterns and the support for what might be called populist party is where you record coordinators parties across.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Space in Western Europe and the rest of the world that might be a promising direction for future research.
Dr. David Art: um there are some really interesting studies going on about the power of localism and more work on on.
Dr. David Art: I guess from from geographers kind of who are applying sort of like those living dynamics right that's that's that that's an interesting view of.
Dr. David Art: Really micro definition of location, but it we have areas that tend to vote really radical right.
Dr. David Art: Right sometimes blocks, so you know what accounts for that, and there have been some studies Jenny Jennifer Fitzgerald has done a really nice one and from the University of Colorado you can she wrote a book.
Dr. David Art: That focus on the power of local geographic dynamics so yeah that's a really promising area i'm not sure if that's the question exactly.
Dr. David Art: But I think another way is the geographic, the question of is this, maybe, is this the future of democracy and other places, and you know that's a really tough one that's a really tough one, to answer.
Dr. David Art: I do think that the there is this force called populism and other parts of the world, which I did not mention in this article, a lot on you know it was did not pay much attention to India, like modi, for example.
Dr. David Art: I might universe of cases to two places I knew more about and not really not in America, to be honest.
Dr. David Art: But I do think that that there's been a misreading of what we see as populism there to in India and other countries outside of what I what i've discussed that nativism and competitive authoritarianism are that are really the driving forces and that populism is you know.
Dr. David Art: You know, is a rhetorical strategy for some of these elites, is a thing that journalists call it, as this thing that social scientists like to call it, but i'm not.
Dr. David Art: i'm not sure there campaigning on Anti elitism anti globalization, so in general will put in people in charge, you know that doesn't tend to show up in the.
Dr. David Art: In what I know about parties outside of Europe, so I do think the UK, the argument kind of has global dynamics are so.
Dr. David Art: Really broad but also maybe most interesting very, very local dynamics that depend on geography like simple stuff like you know commuting times, or you know what was the way, not just the socio economic status of the area but.
Dr. David Art: Internet availability all sorts of neat things that that Jenny Fitzgerald goes into so yeah I don't want to take too much more time, but good question.
Dr. Henry Thomson: i'm going to keep moving through here from from Lincoln was to cover.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Great hearing from you, David I enjoyed your prospectus article quite a bit, I agree with you, but I think the concept of anti establishment attitudes is useful.
Dr. Henry Thomson: If accounts useful when we link corruption and populism, for example, Valence populism or technocratic populism can identify configurations with anti establishment sentiments invoke successfully without invoking ethnic, religious or cultural divisions.
Dr. David Art: yeah yeah you're right um I need to look more into that and.
Dr. David Art: I think, Linda thanks, very much for the question i'm going to appreciate the comments on on the article, and you know we'll talk more about that I hope it's one of the nice things about doing these things gives me something to think about more.
Dr. David Art: What i'm saying, mostly applies to the western European cases and.
Dr. David Art: You know the search for these anti establishment attitudes doing independent things I I grant the point that maybe in Central and Eastern Europe.
Dr. David Art: there's slightly more more there there, so you know it can be educated on that.
Dr. David Art: I guess, then I would ask more you know fine grained questions about you know measurements and some of those things that the authors of the APS article go into it.
Dr. David Art: In great length, but I see the point that that maybe under circumstances under certain Stan certain certain circumstances, those anti establishment attitudes might operate independently still I think the logic of my argument is you know, probably to show that those are pretty.
Dr. David Art: You know not not not the overwhelming number of cases, although that's not the right way to think about the phenomenon, so I take the point it's it's a good thing to look at more.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Thank you very much, I have another question here from Craig calhoun it has three parts i'll try and leave us absolutely.
Dr. Henry Thomson: I agree, discussions of populism are radically confused, but I wonder how much your account is shaped by starting from cases of radical right authoritarians ISM.
Dr. Henry Thomson: One your analysis neva considers either of the two historical cases most associated with the term a the US populist movement of the late 19th century and be around ISM.
Dr. Henry Thomson: which stands behind a new stove little APP to your account seems to be entirely of leaders and parties and their ideological appearance, that seems to me to lead our movements.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Three a feature common to the two cases and many allegedly populist movements, is it an effort to mobilize on broader basis that class then class or interest group, though I acknowledged as chair of lots of other isms as well.
Dr. David Art: Great i'm Henry could I ask you to summarize the three the three part question again.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Absolutely, so how it's about whether your account is shaped too much by radical right with our terrorism, it helps a little bit your expertise in Europe, so a discuss populism, at the end of the 19th century, I think he means the curtis radical criticism of the gold standard.
Dr. Henry Thomson: By some actors and parallelism which you also mentioned at one point about Latin America seemingly What about movements, not just political parties and finally.
Dr. Henry Thomson: What about this sort of general trend for populist movements to mobilize more broadly than just class with interest group, and this kind of gets to my question about nationalism as well if it's not classes or interest groups, is it as nationalism.
Dr. David Art: Okay i'll try to.
Dr. David Art: get some of those i'm.
Dr. David Art: On the US populist movement or the agrarian movement yeah i've thought about that a lot and and, interestingly, there is a material that didn't make it into the paper, there was a similar debate about what drove that movement and if i'm recalling.
Dr. David Art: correctly, there was a claim that it was essentially.
Dr. David Art: or there's a debate between of similar MAC of similar order between.
Dr. David Art: Culture, and I think economics at the heart there.
Dr. David Art: i'm not recalling it particularly well, I decided, though, that that actually at the end of the day.
Dr. David Art: That populist movements, it had the name populist but i'm not sure it's shared the fundamental features of what we were what we are observing.
Dr. David Art: Today, so I take that point and I think fleshing this out more I would need to deal with that a lot more and kind of mixing it similar arguments I suppose.
Dr. David Art: That I made about the mystery and of wallace as a as a as a as a populist rather than a nativist force.
Dr. David Art: So in Latin America, and this is where I usually get a ton of pushback from come from Latin American, as you say, well, this concept is born.
Dr. David Art: You know, perhaps born in different places, but where I know it fast is from from Latin American from personas and I do think that populism kind of might be a great term for.
Dr. David Art: A couple of cases there i'm not sure it's the term that I would use beyond perowne ISM.
Dr. David Art: i'm not sure that it is that it captures the Chavez phenomenon, I really would like to lay out an argument more along the lines of what I did a victor bond that.
Dr. David Art: You know, calling him a populist obscures the competitive authoritarian the democratic break the program of democratic breakdown that he had in mind all along.
Dr. David Art: So those later manifestations of what we call left wing populism in Latin America, I think more look more like competitive authoritarianism, but you're right that thinking about those two historical cases.
Dr. David Art: You know, probably be worth it would definitely be worth fleshing out more.
Dr. David Art: This is a very broad questions i'm not sure I can answer all of them, but it's it's it's great to have them it's giving me something to think about thanks.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Great thanks here from to pay to send another faculty Member not upon which I think addresses patently your critique of populism, not having a negative Poles as a concept, so this.
Dr. David Art: Sorry, I didn't I didn't.
Dr. David Art: I didn't get that.
Dr. Henry Thomson: This up Hadley addresses your critique and populism, not having a negative pole.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Okay, the question is, do you think the term populism can be salvaged by considering it in an institutional context rather than as a social movement.
Dr. Henry Thomson: populism is a social movement seems tragically ironic, because it almost inevitably becomes dominated by elites.
Dr. Henry Thomson: But the idea of inclusion of ordinary citizens and democracy can be understood understood in terms of democratic institutional features like PR new cameras and automatic registration and it does have an opposite Mediterranean style institution based on lead checks and balances.
Dr. David Art: yeah I see where you're coming from that's an interesting point.
Dr. David Art: Is that not just though the expansion of democracy itself is that, why do we.
Dr. David Art: would not be you know my my rejoinder is, why do we need to go to populism there can't we find perhaps within doll you know ways of extending those those the contest station moving to poly arche right why bring in populism for for that.
Dr. David Art: And you know, I guess, I found all kind of useful in my career and as a Dolly and, in some ways, so perhaps that's my that's my training speaking, but.
Dr. David Art: I see where you're coming from, but I would call it something different, I would bring it down to its basic you know take away the the thinness that the concept and focus on democracy as the.
Dr. David Art: The thick piece of that phenomenon.
Dr. David Art: So i'm not sure i'm populism as an institutionalizing more direct civil citizen participation, you know seems seems to me very close to that that that one dimension of doll but you know it's a good point.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Right, I have another question from Fabian knowing who you are, you know, a faculty Member in the department.
Dr. Henry Thomson: He asks how can we combine two concepts that point in opposite directions in terms of social desirability biases.
Dr. Henry Thomson: I only pro people and pro democracy ideas are socially desirable but nativism is not socially desirable, how can we properly study this concept when the two main independent variables are subject of such divergent biases.
Dr. David Art: One more time i'm thinking through that that's that's a COMP, how can we.
Dr. Henry Thomson: it's an interesting point where he was arguing that the concept of populism contains some concepts that point in opposite directions so.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Before people are pro democracy are desirable.
Dr. Henry Thomson: That nativism is not socially desirable so he's I guess asking is the non core incoherence to this concept, because these some concepts are pointing in Division direction I.
Dr. David Art: Understand yeah um.
Dr. David Art: But I think, yes, I think, yes, that is, one one problem there.
Dr. David Art: and
Dr. David Art: But I thought you were he was gesturing to something else that that those folks from the University of Mannheim pointed out in their piece that.
Dr. David Art: The measures of populism kind of assume that to be populism, you have to have a B and C and then they wait, the degree of populism on having oh I don't know 10% of a fit.
Dr. David Art: So you fill out categories A, B and C right, but the overall measure doesn't say that you need to like hit.
Dr. David Art: That there that that they all go together that you need to have all of these things.
Dr. David Art: Right, so you can have something that's populace with high scores on one and it's kind of low scores, on the other two dimensions, so they kind of lay out and really you know.
Dr. David Art: laborious detail, really, but this kind of measurement issue at the heart of most studies of populism so that's one reason why you know.
Dr. David Art: You know kind of share the I guess I guess fabulous skepticism and the way I read the question but we'll talk more about that i'm sure.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Right, I have a question from JEREMY browning who would just like you to elaborate more on thick versus thin political ideologies.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Sure mentioned and populism is based in nativism is thin can you explain what would be considered think.
Dr. David Art: got it so yeah That was my fault, I went over over it very, very quickly in the talk, but it refers this thin thick comes from cost mode his definition of populism.
Dr. David Art: where he specifically defines it as a thin ideology and I think his reference point, there is Michael freedom, but he defines it as a thin ideology.
Dr. David Art: Hopefully, find it right here.
Dr. David Art: A thin centered ideology that considers society to be ultimately separate into two to a homogenous and antagonistic groups, the pure people and the corrupt elite.
Dr. David Art: And then argues that politics should be an expression of the general will of the people, so that's the thin piece, and then the thicker pieces, that are the host as enough, is a.
Dr. David Art: synonym for that would be the host ideology, so you can have a left wing populism populism is the thin ideology, the thick or the host ideology is the left wing, the left wing piece, and you know kind of in general, what i've been arguing, is that, by looking for the thin.
Dr. David Art: We miss out on the thick and if it's mostly a thick phenomenon what's the value added at looking at the at the thin part, particularly when the thin part.
Dr. David Art: You know doesn't even doesn't even doesn't even hold up very well i'm struggling for a metaphor for for when something gets too thin to be you know much, much value but.
Dr. David Art: yeah so that so that's I should have defined that better but comes directly that terminology thick and thick which people are now using in the literature and populism comes from comes from Moody.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Okay, great Thank you it's about Espinosa asks how do you view patriotism, how can we distinguish patriotism populism nativism and nationalism.
Dr. Henry Thomson: I noticed a lot of people on the far right use patriotism or national statements to justify the return on immigration, the second amendment and the police Federal Government.
Dr. David Art: Yes, um.
Dr. David Art: I guess there's a couple ways I mean the cheap answer is that.
Dr. David Art: Is is that it's it's not such a difficult thing to see through the narrative that its basic we're patriots right, this might be a little more of a rhetorical tool than anything else.
Dr. David Art: If you're calling for an absolute halt to immigration, if you answer questions you know at the level of your sort of animus toward toward immigrants.
Dr. David Art: Is that a question necessarily of patriotism of service of how you feel about this, the State itself, I mean.
Dr. David Art: So, so I get the point there's been a ton of literature, I think, but it's it's older now about you know patriotism nationalism nativism which I, you know if I want to go more on this on this down this topic, I certainly would want to to think more about that how I can defend.
Dr. David Art: You know native ISM is this piece, which is distinct, which is thick but also is distinguishable from these other other concepts.
Dr. David Art: You know nativism is is that nationalism sure, in some ways that's you know but nationalism has you know dip totally different you know.
Dr. David Art: Basic cues and the literature to like, if you think about nationals anything about gallon or you think about imagine communities.
Dr. David Art: you're probably not thinking about these studies that we have more now, which really kind of measure degrees of racial animus and and and link it to voting behavior.
Dr. David Art: So.
Dr. David Art: yeah more questions I guess.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Okay, great Alex Martin asks if patty's giver actually call themselves populist or if it's simply like to apply by analysts and political scientists.
Dr. David Art: yeah good point very, very, very few they don't say where the were populist at all, no part none that I know it says it with the, with the exception of today most the students have right which sort of really loved having intellectual discussions about populism and what it meant.
Dr. David Art: There the major the major exception but none of the other parties call themselves populist would use that now.
Dr. David Art: After 2016 when populism suddenly became the word of the year and all sorts of measures.
Dr. David Art: Then it got down to these parties and they say you know the most share on the populace, that means i'm where the people of course right, but you know they're not thinking through moody's definition and you know.
Dr. David Art: So, so it is, I think that is a good point to kind of point out that I probably should have added in here, to be honest, is that.
Dr. David Art: None of these parties, you know kind of use the populace label themselves, so why, why should we because we're struggling for you know terms of what to call them.
Dr. David Art: You know there's there's a big point that I should probably make here to that doesn't come through the article I think one of the reasons that I think that.
Dr. David Art: The nativism The anti immigration was downplayed for so long is that when this phenomenon first appeared in Europe in the 80s and 90s, there was a lot of hesitancy to see it as fundamentally a native is.
Dr. David Art: A backlash against immigration and there was a people look for oh it's the decline of the welfare state or it's this that or the other thing and.
Dr. David Art: A hesitancy to come to the The fact of a high degree of of opposition to foreigners and you know and racial resentments within European society, so the anthem analysis there I think kind of.
Dr. David Art: You know it's got to be populist because you know yeah they're anti immigrant, but the anti immigrant is because the elites are not really thinking about them right it's not this fundamental racial animus.
Dr. David Art: So you know, maybe a failure of imagination explains, you know why analysts and we all called it populist rather than you know just simply anti immigrant is in a couple of other people, people call it before.
Dr. David Art: But that's a really good point they don't call themselves where the populists, you know that's why we're different from this that the other thing.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Right Thank you yeah i've always been.
Dr. Henry Thomson: wondering about this for someone who's been working on these very similar or even the idea to go movement is for so much longer, and yet the terminology has changed during the point.
Dr. Henry Thomson: During your career from radical right to populism it's really interesting to see your perspective on these developments.
Dr. Henry Thomson: it's great.
Dr. Henry Thomson: I have a question for Matthew puts, which is an interesting one, do you see a Russian role in assisting the rise of nationalism and western Europe, or does it tend to be solely local and organic among domestic populations.
Dr. David Art: yeah good question and.
Dr. David Art: I became aware of the Russian role when.
Dr. David Art: I started getting asked started getting asked questions about it in 2014 2015 from from US government officials, but from from a couple of journalist as well, and I said.
Dr. David Art: I don't know what on earth, the Russians could be so I had a sort of failure of imagination there, I think that we definitely do see a lot of direct direct connection connections clearly in terms of funding, you know.
Dr. David Art: Does it matter does it tip elections, you know I don't think you can make a case there but yeah Russia had was was absolutely um you know.
Dr. David Art: using its influence to to help these parties to the extent that it could and they acknowledged it as well right acknowledge to spoke about proven.
Dr. David Art: In quite different terms you know, not every single one of them, but if you look at the fullness and I think yeah there's there's a lot of gestures toward toward Russia positive positive Russian feeling um so I didn't see any of that before.
Dr. David Art: didn't even occur to me as a question before around 2012 2014 but then you know something definitely you know started to work there.
Dr. Henry Thomson: What about the role of Russian television, I know that i'm in the suburbs of East Berlin and and some parts of the form of GDP on Russian television is still really popular when I was a.
Dr. Henry Thomson: villain and 2013 1213 there was this bizarre folks I believe it was at the time it was a bizarre hoax where people claim that a young.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Russian speaking Google and bing inducted in the suburbs of a spill and, and this was broadcast on Russian media and it turned out to be completely i'm sure she was staying with her.
Dr. Henry Thomson: friends and their claim she'd been abducted by our by immigrants, so do you think that perhaps the Russian media, the consumption of recommended Russian media in some of these.
Dr. Henry Thomson: contexts, is playing a role.
Dr. David Art: Very well, might be and.
Dr. David Art: I think I defer to link on this question or my colleague oxon a shovel at tough some they would know better than I, but.
Dr. David Art: yeah that that's a that's a real, that is a real phenomenon, the magnitude and how much it matters I can't really tell I haven't seen any sort of study on that.
Dr. David Art: Yet I mean there's been some preliminary work I guess on Russian election meddling in the United States, of course, but um you know I don't.
Dr. David Art: I haven't seen the social scientific work on that yet, but you know it's probably it's probably coming.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Thank you, David, I have a question here from one of our graduate students lizzie um she's asking about the relationship between radical right populism and economic grievances.
Dr. Henry Thomson: she's basically asking whether the social grievances used as a sort of a disguise economic grievances the users disguise for anti immigrant zena phobic or racist opinions in these cases.
Dr. Henry Thomson: And yeah populism.
Dr. David Art: Sure, and and some people have have, I think, made that case I think there's some gestures, or I have some citations on that that.
Dr. David Art: You know, if you take the the opposition to the Welfare State might take take Ronald reagan's famous phrase about welfare Queens.
Dr. David Art: Right, I mean is that to be read kind of as an economic statement a critique of the welfare state, or is that you know racial using racial resentment and.
Dr. David Art: I think the consensus would be that as kind of you know, racial racial animus more than an economic grievance so I take that point um.
Dr. David Art: I guess there's kind of.
Dr. David Art: What you you don't see the economics driving it, though, and that's really interesting you do see education driving the vote for the radical right, I mean that's one of the strongest you know negative predictors of voting for radical right.
Dr. David Art: trump vote, I think, as well, and the trump vote looks very similar to the radical right folks when you look at the profile the medium radical right voter.
Dr. David Art: But we've known, like, for I don't know cass who's you know good friends and who knows my disagreements about populism over the years.
Dr. David Art: we're in total agreements that you know there's been very little credible evidence that economic grievance that has a lot to do with explaining radical right vote on.
Dr. David Art: And it is the overwhelming phenomenon their frame is nativism anti immigration it's an effective frame for them, and most of their economic policies kind of flow from that frame.
Dr. David Art: So I broadly agree, I think, with what the question is suggesting that it does these things, these these components are collapsible kind of.
Dr. David Art: in the sense that yeah they're interchangeable but primarily it's the culture, drawing upon economic grievance arguments, under the guise of economic grievance arguments, but we can see, you know not just look going out and looking for them, but by but by intention their their racial messages.
Dr. David Art: So yeah I mean there's been all sorts of research on the welfare state and redistribution and the degree to which race, you know plays a role in people's attitudes toward redistribution, so you may be thinking it's one thing, but really it's you know it's it's the underlying.
Dr. David Art: Racial animus.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Right thanks David, I have a question from Bo park who's asking, I think this relates also this transition from the narrative being about the radical right to the narrative being about populism and they're asking about the media.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Has the media play a role and distorting the view or meaning of populism.
Dr. David Art: I think, so I think so, but I think academics have to I mean my critique is mostly been on.
Dr. David Art: academics, many of whom I think are good friends that are doing great work, I mean I feel a little you know bad sometimes not.
Dr. David Art: Until you know not intellectually, but you know going to conferences on populism going to summer schools on populism and kind of saying I don't think there is much there but.
Dr. David Art: But I think that academia, did you know, has given way too much attention to this phenomenon, and I hope that we redirect it.
Dr. David Art: Or you know if i'm somewhat successful there, there will be at least a refinement of what we're talking about.
Dr. David Art: And we won't have most of the literature kind of using populism as a broad term you know for the article, and then it has very little to do with populism.
Dr. David Art: Or we won't get you know the problem of you know just basic measurement issues, and you know kind of finding that all parties are equally populist or this party's not populace like we expected so.
Dr. David Art: yeah so it was it was primarily my critique is on academics, but absolutely journalists, you know they find a buzzword and and we seem to endorse it and Apps it calls it populism or privilege and you know I say that when they asked me about populism, I I try to say no it's not that but.
it's.
Dr. David Art: Absolutely so so when populism becomes a buzzword everybody starts using it journalists use it.
Dr. David Art: What else is there to set.
Dr. Henry Thomson: And we've run out of questions and we're running out of time, so i'm going to ask you one final question of my own, which is that if people shouldn't be studying populism, what should they be studying what are the basic concepts to be yeah.
Dr. David Art: I think what what's it's a good question and I think.
Dr. David Art: it's not like we're not studying the role of nativism or anti immigrant attitude or racial resentment or whatever we're calling it in American politics, these days, and not to slam American politics they're great at measurements and concept refinement but i'm.
Dr. David Art: So it's not like there's no research on that there's a ton um, and I say yeah I can see.
Dr. David Art: That research speaks to me in the sense that I am convinced, although this talk, you know, has been helpful for me to think about now need to really narrow down this native isn't concept and show that it has a standing.
Dr. David Art: You know, equivalent to I don't know some other essentially contested concepts that then become consensuses I suppose.
Dr. David Art: So I certainly want to want to do that, but we are studying the anti immigrant added.
Dr. David Art: attitudes and certainly more, so I think if there was the discussion has changed in the United States from 2016 2017.
Dr. David Art: Not just the death of murder of George floyd but the whole attention to racial issues in this country so it's not like we're it's a it's a impoverished research field, I think that norris competitive authoritarianism really.
Dr. David Art: And you know that seems to me, I I use that concept i've found it useful in my own work, I can teach it I can wrap my head around it, I can do the kinds of things that I can't really do with or never been able to do with populism.
Dr. David Art: So.
Dr. David Art: i'm not saying oh there's these these neglected fields right um i'm just saying let's not build up this one, you know at the expense of of these of these underlying.
Dr. David Art: These underlying phenomenon, I do think that you know, as I went into this research, I thought I was research or this this essay I was focused more on you know, making the case that it's authoritarianism and nativism at work here.
Dr. David Art: Interesting was this this piece about direct democracy through online, you know through on.
Dr. David Art: Internet, and you know as through my reading of this literature, though Lanka might know more than I do that's been kind of a massive failure but as but, as shown.
Dr. David Art: What Casa Daniela cassoulet you have you read my piece carefully what he would what he designed these platforms to do, which to serve as you know, referenda classic almost don't apart is devices.
Dr. David Art: To you know, to look like you get these you know, to have this participation, but it's you know it's it's it's really a.
Dr. David Art: referendum, rather than anything else, so that was really interesting and I, and I, and I think it will be neat to see where that research that research field goes, but you know, none of these are really like you know hidden gems or undiscovered terrain it's you know just a rich I guess.
Dr. David Art: Perhaps intellectual conservatism, although I don't use the word conservative to describe myself very often but.
Dr. David Art: You know, do we need another aren't aren't these things that we already have and social sciences and that we are know that we can get a much more reasonable consensus around aren't they probably better to have them than populism.
Dr. David Art: As a read it very much I think that's a.
Dr. Henry Thomson: I think that's a great way to conclude so on behalf of everyone is pjs, and that is you, thank you very much for this talks being very important marketing and eliminating.
Dr. David Art: Well, thanks it's been really, really helpful for me and the points that I got from from everyone who chimed in are really.
Dr. David Art: Really really good ones and if I want to flush this out more and more deal with some of the historical questions certainly about Latin Latin America fits.
Dr. David Art: I dodged that very broadly in this article, and also the the literature on on the populist movements in the United States, certainly, these are These are big things, and you know, making sure that.
Dr. David Art: bolstering the definition of nativism that's going to be a central concept to replace a lot of that so thanks a lot for that.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Of course, thank you um so with that will conclude the webinar Thank you very much facade and we hope to have you out as you in person, one day, in the not too distant future.
Dr. David Art: I look forward to that Thank you.
Dr. Henry Thomson: Stay safe.
Dr. David Art: Okay, you too.

Dr. Henry Thomson: Good morning and good afternoon i'm sorry good afternoon everyone David I think we'll get started yet.

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nativism::noun | Spocien Dictionary

nativism

noun

/'neɪtɪ,vɪzəm/

(philosophy) the philosophical theory that some ideas are innate

Type	Words
Type of	philosophical doctrine, philosophical theory
Derivation	nativist, nativistic

nativism::noun | Spocien Dictionary

nativism

noun

/'neɪtɪ,vɪzəm/

the policy of perpetuating native cultures (in opposition to acculturation)

Type	Words
Type of	social policy
Derivation	nativistic

Examples of nativism

nativism

Before it came to that, however, a more radical form of nativism had its day.

From the time.com

Anti-intellectualism and nativism have been themes of the far-right for a long time.

From the economist.com

Thus continuity, nativism, and populism characterized his general histories.

From the en.wikipedia.org

Nativism postulates the innateness of many cognitive functions and concepts.

From the en.wikipedia.org

There are grumblings against the nanny state and ugly strains of nativism.

From the time.com

Nonsense, perhaps-but nonsense that taps into a deep seam of nativism and negativism.

From the economist.com

Another example is psychological nativism, the study of the innate structure of the mind.

From the en.wikipedia.org

Book I of the Essay is devoted to an attack on nativism or the doctrine of innate ideas.

From the en.wikipedia.org

So, yes, parts of this movement do seem to be motivated by a new nativism and by racism.

From the chron.com

More examples

The policy of perpetuating native cultures (in opposition to acculturation)
(philosophy) the philosophical theory that some ideas are innate
(nativist) a philosopher who subscribes to nativism
(nativistic) nativist: advocating the perpetuation of native societies; "the old nativist prejudice against the foreign businessman"; "the nativistic faith preaches the old values"- C.K.Kluckhohn
Nativism favors the interests of certain established inhabitants of an area or nation as compared to claims of newcomers or immigrants. It may also include the re-establishment or perpetuation of such individuals or their culture.
(Nativist) the policy of favoring the natives of a country over the immigrants.
In the historical context, this means the favoring of the interests of long-standing inhabitants of an area over those of newcomers. Common in 19th century U.S. when the Know-Nothing Movement and others opposed the granting of civil rights to immigrants. ...
That aspects of cognitive processes and behaviour are innate.
A belief common in London's day that the "true" Americans were those of earlier Anglo-Saxon descent, that this "race" was under threat from the growing influx of Central European (Catholic and Jewish) and Asian immigrants.

How to pronounce nativism in English?

nativism::noun | Spocien Dictionary

abandonment

Related words

nativism::noun | Spocien Dictionary

abandonment

Related words

Examples of nativism

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